The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was regarded as arguably the most significant holders of that position in the nation's history. Whereas many second-in-commands had to settle for minor or ceremonial functions, Cheney held substantial power during the administration of George W Bush, to the point that he was often called as the "actual president".
Bush disliked such a characterisation and said the connection was more nuanced. He observed that Cheney was respectful, consistently referring to him in official appearances as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their partnership as a collaboration because it implied that they were peers. Despite these denials, Cheney considered the easygoing president malleable on a broad range of policy decisions.
A Aftermath of 9/11
Leading of a faction of conservative hawks that featured military head Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been attending a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the destruction of any non-communicating airplanes heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney claimed the strikes changed him, causing him to be focused on revenge. In conjunction with other conservative figures, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an effort to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Controversial Policies
He expressed no regrets about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the harsh treatment of detainees captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was based on inaccurate reports repeated by Cheney, was the correct path to take. "It was the correct action to do at that time. I was convinced then and I hold that view now."
Yet even then, there were opposing views at a top tier about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own delegates to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he later wrote "true dereliction, inaction, and recklessness: at worst, deception, ineptitude, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had composed a memorandum detailing scenarios in which national priorities might be threatened (featuring "availability of crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the United States should be prepared to operate alone when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," specifically mentioning defense operations against Iraq.
Bush also had arrived in the presidency somewhat determined on carrying out what his father had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. After he had been fired by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his plan of reducing America's participation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and mooted military action against Iraq.
Bush bore a individual resentment against Saddam, convinced he had been responsible for a conspiracy to assassinate his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also objected to that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a floor mural with a image of his parent's countenance that everyone had to step on.
Investigation Approaches
However it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken supporting striking Iraq, frequently quoting information documents that were either insubstantial or totally misleading. He backed what the Bush administration euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the employment of simulated drowning and physical pressure.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no valuable data had come from the torture, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "full of crap". He stated to Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and establish programmes to catch the individuals who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
Public Persona
Cheney took pleasure in nicknames given to him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the notion that he was a shadow power manipulating Bush. In the author's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Am I the evil genius in the corner that remains unseen leave his hole? This represents a advantageous way to operate, actually."
Corporate Connections
Debate over his corporate affiliations pursued him throughout his time as second-in-command. While he had little experience in commerce but good contacts in defence, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial petroleum conglomerates, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the White House. Contentiously, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was granted US agreements worth billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his time at the company grew from his $258,394 during his time as Pentagon chief to $4.4m. When he left in 2000 he had a package valued at in excess of $20m|twenty
